Monday, January 14, 2013

Stephen Ross and Government Subsidies


Stephen Ross and Government Subsidies

Last weekend I was showing a friend the Ross School’s building and saw the painting of Stephen Ross on the main floor.  A small plaque gave information about the painter and the subject.  I learned that Mr. Ross founded Related Companies, a real-estate investment company that began in 1972 with financing and developing government assisted housing.  The billionaire real-estate developer who gave $100 million to the University of Michigan’s Business School got his start using government subsidies.  I did some research and thought I would share a few things I found interesting.

Although Related Companies has expanded into areas that include fund management, hospitality, distressed property acquisition, and “the fitness and lifestyle arena”, it is still very much involved in “affordable housing”:

Affordable housing laid the foundation of Related Companies and we continue to place a high priority on developing, acquiring and preserving housing for this sector. In fact, over 60% of the 40,000 residential apartment homes under our management are part of one or more affordable housing programs, and an additional 20% of these homes provide workforce housing.

To date, Related has developed or acquired over 23,000 affordable housing units with a total value of approximately $3.5 billion. Currently, we have over 7,000 units under development or under contract throughout the country with a value in excess of $1.5 billion. [1]

What is affordable housing?  HUD’s definition is housing costs that do not exceed 30 percent of annual income.[2]  When Related Companies refers to affordable housing, it means housing development that has been subsidized by the government in order to provide housing that is affordable to lower income residents.  Those subsidies come in various forms, including favorable financing for the developers, or housing vouchers for the residents (commonly known as “Section 8” vouchers).

Not all housing in a development needs to be “affordable” in order for the development to qualify for subsidies.  For example, there is a obtain tax exempt financing through a program known at “80/20”.  Under 80/20 programs, when at least 20% of the rental units are set aside for low-income residents (those with incomes at 50% or less of the local Area Median Income or AMI), Low Income Housing Tax Credits are made available to the developer.  These credits can be syndicated or used to offset tax payments.  (LIHTCs are also called Section 42 credits because of the applicable section of the Internal Revenue Code.)

            The 80/20 program is a good deal for the low income residents who are able to get on the list, but it is an even better deal for developers.  In a 2011 article about 80/20 financing in The New York Times, the reporter wrote:  “without the incentives it affords, it would be all but impossible to build new large-scale rental buildings.”  [3]  Related says on its website that it “is one of the nation’s largest developers of 80/20 rental housing in New York City.”

LIHTCs are not inexpensive.  The Office of Tax Analysis of the U.S. Department of the Treasury estimates a ten-year revenue loss of $61 billion for the period of 2008-2017 resulting from these credits.[4]

            Why do I find it interesting that Ross started his business with government subsidies?  I don’t object to government encouraging desired behavior through tax incentives.  In fact, I think that our tax policy should be based in part on using incentives.  I find it interesting because of Ross’s politics.  In 2012 Ross donated $100,000 to the pro-Romney super PAC Restore Our Future.  He also donated $20,800 to the Republican National Committee, $5,000 to Free and Strong America PAC, and $2,500 to Governor Romney’s campaign.[5] 

            After his loss in the presidential campaign, Governor Romney remarked on a conference call with donors that President Obama had won by “giving targeted groups a big gift.”  According to Governor Romney, these “gifts” included free contraceptives for college women and free health care for Hispanics.  How would he characterize $61 billion in low income housing tax credits?  Gifts for developers?  Or is something not a “gift” when the recipient can be labeled a “job creator”? 




[1] The Related Companies website, “Affordable Housing”, accessed January 6, 2013, http://www.related.com/ourcompany/businesses/9/Affordable-Housing/.

[2] HUD.gov, “Affordable Housing”, accessed January 13, 2013, http://portal.hud.gov/hudportal/HUD?src=/program_offices/comm_planning/affordablehousing

[3] Santora, Marc, “Across the Hall, Diversity of Incomes”, New York Times, published September 2, 2011, accessed January 13, 2013. 

[4] The President’s Economic Recovery Advisory Board, The Report on Tax Reform Options:  Simplification, Compliance, and Corporate Taxation, August 2010, p.77.
[5] Fin’s Ross giving big to Romney, October 2, 2012, CBS Miami, accessed January 13, 2013 http://miami.cbslocal.com/2012/10/02/fins-ross-giving-big-to-romney/

Monday, December 31, 2012

2012 Year in Graphs

every graph tells a story

http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wonkblog/wp/2012/12/27/2012-the-year-in-graphs/




2012: The Year in Graphs

As 2012 draws to a close, Wonkblog asked our favorite professional wonks — economists, political scientist, politicians and more — to see what graphs and charts they felt did the best job explaining the past year. Here are their nominees.
Sheila Bair — former chairperson, Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. (FDIC)
“There has been much discussion about income inequality, but not enough focus on its corollary: debt inequality. As real wages for the masses decline, they try to sustain consumption through borrowing from the wealthy. This economic model is, of course, unsustainable, and eventually collapses, as we discovered in 1929 and again in 2007. Unfortunately, our tepid recovery continues to rely primarily on asset inflation and cheap credit to support economic growth, even as real income for most people erodes, likely setting us up for another bust down the road.”
Jared Bernstein — senior fellow, Center for Budget and Policy Priorities; former chief economic adviser to Vice President Biden
“Here’s a simple one I keep thinking and talking about. While we’re all wound up in self-imposed fiscal madness, there’s still an economy out there that’s not working too well for a lot of people. Real hourly wages of middle-wage workers* have been drifting down for the past few years, a function of the persistently large amount slack in the job market. This figure also serves as a reminder that high unemployment doesn’t just hurt the unemployed — it hurts people with jobs, too. Finally, it’s a reminder as to why this is a lousy time to let the payroll tax cut expire. All that in one little line!”
*This is BLS hourly wage series for so-called production, non-supervisory workers (non-managers in services and blue-collar in manufacturing) deflated by the CPI.
Raj Chetty — professor of economics, Harvard; recipient, 2012 MacArthur “Genius” Grant
When a high value-added (top 5 percent) teacher enters a school, end-of-school-year test scores in the grade he or she teaches rise immediately …

… and students assigned to such high value-added teachers are more likely to go to college, earn higher incomes, and less likely to be teenage mothers. On average, having such a teacher for one year raises a child’s cumulative lifetime income by $50,000 (equivalent to $9,000 in present value at age 12 with a 5 percent interest rate).

The earnings gains from replacing a low value-added (bottom 5 percent) teacher with one of average quality grow as more data are used to estimate value-added. Discounting future earnings gains to present value, the gains are $190,000 with three years of data and eventually surpass $250,000 per class. If future earnings are not discounted, cumulative earnings gains surpass $1.4 million per class.
“Out of our own group’s research, the graphs that had the most impact on my own thinking — and, I believe the public debate — are the trio of graphs from our paper on teachers’ long term impacts. I was very surprised to see how sharp teachers’ impacts are — as soon as a good teacher enters, students immediately start to do a lot better — and how long their impacts last.”
Kent Conrad — Democratic senator from North Dakota; outgoing chair, Senate Budget Committee
This chart demonstrates that additional revenue has to be part of any deficit reduction package. It shows that the last five times the budget was in surplus (in 1969, 1998, 1999, 2000 and 2001), revenue was near 20 percent of GDP. Revenue is now at 15.8 percent of GDP, near its lowest level in 60 years. And under the House Republican budget plan, revenue would reach only 18.7 percent of GDP by 2022, a clearly inadequate level. Even with spending cuts and entitlement changes, given the retirement of the baby boom generation and rising health costs, it is clear we are also going to need more revenue.”
Source: Data comes from OMB historical tables and the House Republican budget proposal.
Peter Diamond — professor, MIT: 2010 Nobel laureate in economics
“Cutting Social Security benefits by changing the COLA is bad economics and bad politics. That the benefit cuts would hit a vulnerable population is shown in the graph. Keeping the politics of Social Security within the issue of Social Security, not as part of the annual budget process, is vital for good pension design. “
Chrystia Freeland — editor, Thomson Reuters Digital; author, “Plutocrats: The Rise of the New Global Super-Rich and the Fall of Everyone Else
“This is my graph of the year — known as The Great Gatsby Curve. The Great Gatsby Curve draws on the research of Canadian economist Miles Corak and was widely popularized in a January 2012 speech by Alan Krueger, chairman of the Council of Economic Advisors. The Great Gatsby Curve is this year’s most important chart because it shows how social mobility declines as income inequality increases. At a time of rising income inequality, this is a hugely important finding because it suggests that the widening economic chasm imperils one of the characteristics many Americans believe is central to their society.”
Robert Greenstein — president, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities
“This is our ‘parfait’ chart that shows what drives our record deficits. We’ve updated it periodically since its first release, since we think it really captures how we got here, as we debate the best ways for us to address the issue.”
“Our second selection addresses the “takers vs. makers” claim and outlines households who owed no federal income taxes in 2011.”
Michael Greenstone — professor of economics, MIT; director, Hamilton Project
“By unlocking vast new resources of natural gas in the U.S., fracking has transformed the energy landscape and dramatically reduced the price of natural gas. This graph summarizes the three types of costs associated with various sources of electricity generation: (1) the private costs of production; (2) external costs due to the release of conventional pollutants (primarily increased rates of morbidity and mortality); and (3) the external costs associated with the release of carbon dioxide and the resulting increase in climate change. When all three of these costs are considered, natural gas is the least expensive source of electricity.”
“This graph shows that children born to families on the high end of the earnings distribution have more resources available than did their counterparts in 1975, while children on the low end of the spectrum have fewer resources than low-income families in 1975. While there have been great increases in inequality over the last several decades, the figure suggests that further increases may be in store during the coming decades.”
Douglas Holtz-Eakin — president, American Action Forum
“AAF looked at 10 years of data and more than 230 regulations issued during the last 10 years to illustrate what drives regulatory spending by businesses and consumers; the bulk of the cost of regulations involves mandates to improve energy efficiency, with various environmental rules coming in second place. Together, those two categories account for roughly two-thirds of the economy-wide costs of complying with various federal regulations. Despite a pronounced regulatory slowdown before Election Day, regulators still managed to add more than $215 billion in final rules this year.”
Glenn Hubbard — dean, Columbia Business School; former economic adviser to Mitt Romney
“My all-time favorite graph is from the long-term revenue and spending graph in the CBO long-term outlook. In a holiday spirit of something different, I offer a chart from a pieceearlier this week by David Wessel, illustrating that tax changes for the rich are a small part of changes in the nation’s fiscal outlook over the past decade — just as they will be going forward.”
Paul Krugman — professor, Princeton University; columnist, New York Times; 2008 Nobel laureate in economics
Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics
“This is the labor share in nonfarm business. I chose it because it highlights a dramatic new turn in the story of rising inequality, which hasn’t yet made it into most of our discussion. The story is no longer about a rising education premium, as it was in the ’80s and ’90s; since 2000, we’ve been looking instead at a major redistribution from labor in general to capital.”
Maya MacGuineas — president, Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget
Source: Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget
“It is so important to put in place a sensible plan that stabilize the debt, and it is useful to have a tracking mechanism to see how various offers stack up. Let’s hope we don’t go any smaller than these.”
Bill McBride — Proprietor, Calculated Risk
“This graph shows the quarterly contribution to GDP from Residential Investment and State and Local governments for the last several years. Residential Investment is now adding to GDP growth, and it appears the drag from state and local governments is ending — two key stories going into 2013.”
Bill McKibben — environmental activist; founder, 350.org
“This shows that the fossil fuel companies have five times more carbon in their reserves than even the most conservative governments think would be safe to burn.”
Peter Orszag — vice chairman of global banking, Citigroup; former director, Office on Management and Budget
“This graph from S&P illustrates two key facts: health-care costs have decelerated over the past few years, and Medicare costs have decelerated more than other health costs. That pattern suggests at least part of the slowdown is structural (since if it were all just a reflection of economic weakness, we wouldn’t expect Medicare to slow down more than other health costs, but if it were partly structural, that’s exactly what we would expect). If this slower growth continues, the impact on our long-term fiscal gap will be much more meaningful than any plausible outcome of the fiscal cliff negotiations.”
Alice Rivlin — former director, Office of Management and Budget; co-author, Domenici-Rivlin debt plan
“Federal spending has risen since the recession, but over the long run the increases have been entirely in ‘mandatory spending programs,’ which reflect increases in the number of unemployed, low-income, disabled or retired people eligible for benefits. Discretionary spending appropriated annually by congress is heading towards its lowest percent of the economy since 1970.”
Cass Sunstein — professor, Harvard Law School; former director, Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (2009-2012)
“There have been a lot of wild charges about regulation being “out of control.” True, we must control costs, but benefits matter too, and as demonstrated by this chart (produced by technical analysts in the federal government), the net benefits of final rules in the first three years of the Obama Administration exceed $91 billion. Not bad.”
Neera Tanden — president, Center for American Progress; former HHS senior adviser for health reform
“This year, Americans faced a choice between an America that works for everyone, and a top-down America that works only for the wealthy few. Voters chose an America where we create shared prosperity by strengthening the middle class. When America’s middle class thrives, America will prosper and maintain its economic edge.”
Ruy Teixeira — senior fellow, the Century Foundation and Center for American Progress; coauthor, “The Emerging Democratic Majority”
Source: Dave Troy
“In a phrase: density = Obama voters.”
Sam Wang — professor of neuroscience, Princeton; director, Princeton Election Consortium
“This XKCD speaks to most of the pundit class in 2012, even if they don’t realize it.”

Thursday, November 29, 2012

Will DFA actually change anything in the Financial Industry?

New Financial Overseer Looks for Advice in All the Wrong Places
ProPublica, Nov. 28, 2012, 12:10 p.m.
The financial industry is obsessed with President Obama's second-term regulatory appointments. Who will be Treasury secretary? Who could head the Federal Housing Finance Administration? But hardly anyone is paying much attention to the Office of Financial Research.
This entity was created by the Dodd-Frank Act to conduct independent research on the sweeping risks to the financial system. Ah, right, another group of Washington wonks who will issue reports carrying vague warnings of risks looming sometime in the uncertain future. Yawn. I hadn't paid much attention either.

But then I spoke to Ross Levine, an economist and specialist in regulation at Haas School of Business at the University of California, Berkeley, and I finally got it. The Office of Financial Research is a great idea. And as I grasped it, I felt a minor sense of horror, as when you see a precious ring slip off a finger in slow motion and go down the drain while you are powerless to stop it.
The office is looking as if it will be a tool of the financial services industry, instead of a check on it. Its main role is to serve the Financial Stability Oversight Council, providing the systemic risk overseer with data and analysis of where the nukes are buried.
But the Office of Financial Research was hobbled from the get-go by a poor design. It is housed in the Treasury Department, while ostensibly being independent of it. It has a small budget. And it has to report to the very regulators it is supposed to report on.
This month, it announced its advisory committee. Thirty big names charged with giving the fledgling operation direction and gravitas. But these same people have also compromised it.
By my count, 19 of the 30 committee members work directly in financial services or for private sector entities that are dependent on the industry. There are academics, but many of them have lucrative ties to the financial services industry. I noted only one financial industry critic: Damon A. Silvers, the policy director for the A.F.L.-C.I.O.
"Academics with a history of challenging regulators are not there," said Anat R. Admati, a finance professor at Stanford and the co-author, with Martin Hellwig, of the forthcoming call to arms, "The Banker's New Clothes" (Princeton University Press). She was among several prominent banking critics who had applied but didn't make the cut.
The Treasury Department sees it differently.
"We were not looking for critics or proponents. That wasn't the goal," said Neal S. Wolin, the Treasury deputy secretary. "We were looking for people with a range of perspectives who understand keenly the systemic risks in the financial system."
Mr. Wolin said that the office would be independent despite its home. The argument for being housed in the Treasury Department is that if it were all by its lonesome, brand new and small, it would be much easier to be squashed like a bug.
Maybe. But it's not as if there isn't a precedent for creating a better advisory council: Sheila Bair did it for another regulator, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. That panel, the Systemic Resolution Advisory Committee, has Professor Admati; Paul A. Volcker; John S. Reed, the former co-chief executive of Citigroup and now a prominent banking apostate; and Simon Johnson, the former head economist for the International Monetary Fund and outspoken banking nemesis.
Perhaps Professor Admati and Mr. Johnson and Mr. Volcker were busy. The world is teeming with expert critics of Big Banking; they just aren't heard from much in the halls of Washington. The Federal Reserve Banks of Kansas City and Dallas have candidates. The economist Joseph Stiglitz would make a good choice. The Bank of England houses two prominent banking critics, Andy Haldane and Robert Jenkins. Outfits like Better Markets or Demos could nominate people who would give Jamie Dimon some indigestion.
Certainly, financiers are not a monolithic lot. Investors often have differing interests from those of banks, and investment banks from commercial banks, and the small from the large. Even in big institutions, there are secret sharers of anti-Wall Street sentiment. And obviously, an advisory committee requires a certain number of experts with real-world experience.
Clearly, there is a place for finance professionals. But shouldn't the balance of the committee be tilted in the opposite direction and give greater voice to the critics and the banking skeptics? This is a panel that is supposed to identify giant risks in the system that bankers ignore in their pursuit of profit and bonuses and to spot flaws in regulations that could cost the public and economy trillions.
It's not as if the poor bankers don't have a voice in Washington, after all. The bankers have the resources. And they are focused. Bankers are in the trenches all day, fighting regulation. The public only glances at these battles.
So why does yet another Washington advisory panel of worthies matter? Mr. Levine has a subtle and fascinating answer. He starts by pointing to the mystery of the home-team advantage in sports, which has long puzzled researchers.
It turns out that umpires are biased toward the home team not out of conscious or recognizable bias. Rather, they subconsciously gravitate toward their immediate "community" — in this case, the home-field crowd, especially at crucial moments in a game. (Researchers will next study how this appears to have no effect whatsoever on the New York Jets.)
To minimize the bias, you can tell the umpires that they are being monitored. Introduce instant replay. With that, you have expanded the community that is watching the umpires to an audience far beyond the home crowd.
Mr. Levine believes that the Office of Financial Research could do the same for regulators. If it independently examined and publicized not just systemic risks, but — crucially — the flaws in how the regulators were approaching those risks, that could have the effect of expanding the regulators' community. Regulators, he said, "operate within financial services industry. They are surrounded by it."
"That means that the home-field crowd is the financial services industry," he said. "The public, if it has a ticket at all, is way up in bleachers, and its voice can't be heard."
The Office of Financial Research is well on its way to barring the gate.
Before the crisis, the consensus was that the Office of Thrift Supervision was the regulator most in the pocket of Big Banking. For its efforts, it got shut down as part of the postcrisis regulatory overhaul.
"Now, the title of ‘Most Captured' is up for grabs," Mr. Johnson said. "And I think we have a contender."

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